October, 1999

U.S. SANCTIONS CRITICAL FOR CUBAN DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION

By Congressman Lincoln Diaz-Balart (R-FL)

A major campaign is underway to lift sanctions on the Cuban dictatorship as part of a call for "unilateral sanctions reform."

The plan to have Congress lift sanctions on the Castro dictatorship was developed and is being surreptitiously coordinated by the Clinton Administration. They have been successful in recruiting business and agricultural groups to "carry their water" by convincing these groups that there is money to be made now with Castro, and that, "since the dictatorship is going to survive Castro, it is a good idea to get in now".

While I recognize that agricultural groups are creating great pressure for "sanctions reform," and that the mantra of "unilateral sanctions don't work" is being constantly repeated, it is important to realize that the Cuban situation is unique. Cuba is not Iran or Iraq. First of all, Castro is bankrupt and only U.S. taxpayer financing would allow his dictatorship to purchase any significant amount of U.S. goods. And, secondly, CUBA IS GOING TO SOON BE FREE.

U.S. sanctions on the Cuban dictatorship may be unilateral, but they nonetheless constitute decisive leverage for a democratic transition to take place once Castro is gone from the scene. Keep in mind that geographically, culturally and historically, there are close ties between the Cuban and American peoples. Keep in mind that America stood alone in helping the Cuban people achieve their independence from European colonialism a hundred years ago. Keep in mind that Cuba is in the Western Hemisphere, the only otherwise fully democratic hemisphere. Keep in mind that Cuba had a thriving economy, a strong independent press, multiple political parties and a robust civil society before Castro.

What is at stake here is the future of eleven million people who are our closest neighbors. In other words, we are dealing with the issue of freedom for Cuba after Castro. I am absolutely convinced that if we keep our sanctions until Castro dies or is overthrown, those who will be in a position of provisional power in Cuba will have no choice but to agree to free the political prisoners, legalize political activity, the press and labor unions, and hold elections.

But, on the other hand, if we end our sanctions now, unilaterally, before the dictatorship takes concrete steps toward freeing the Cuban people, the dictatorship may never have any reason to agree to a democratic transition. The Cuban people would be condemned to decades more of oppression.

Our choice in Congress is clear: we can act like the European Union did with the dictatorships of Spain and Portugal in the 1970s when Europe simply told those countries that they had to become democracies if they wished to be part of the European Union, then known as the "Common Market" (and when Franco died in Spain, those who found themselves in power had no choice but to agree to a democratic transition, as did Oliveira Salazar's successors in Portugal). Or we can act like the international community has done with China: provide the dictatorship there with everything it wants without any sort of democratic quid pro quo, thereby contributing to the prolongation of the dictatorship.

Remember that Cuba is unique. Castro may have ruled for 40 years, but the Cuban people have never stopped fighting for freedom. At this very moment thousands of Cuban patriots are locked-up in Castro's dungeons because of their struggle for democracy and freedom.

Over 500,000 Cubans have passed through those prisons because of their fight for freedom. Dissidents, human rights activists, former political prisoners and former exiles will without a doubt form part of the elected leadership of the free and democratic Cuba of the future. As Congress considers "sanctions reform," it needs to keep in mind that it is simply bad business policy (as well as unethical) to do business with the jailers of the future leaders of Cuba.

The Cuban people, when they are free, are going to wish to do business with those who refused to collaborate with their oppressors. As my colleague, Congressman Lindsey Graham recently said, with that uncommonly insightful common sense that characterizes him, "in Cuba, once freedom comes, those who did not do business with the dictatorship will be viewed much more favorably by the people than those who did. The people are going to want to do business with those who didn't go in with Castro, and that should be pretty easy to understand." Unfortunately, as obvious as that should be to see, a growing number of business people are being fooled into not seeing it.

The United States Congress has always stood with the Cuban people's right to be free. This Congress and its Leadership has continued that admirable tradition, and I am deeply grateful for that support. As Congress is confronted by the issue of "sanctions reform", I will continue to work for a policy of solidarity with and support for the Cuban people's right to be free.