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The
Medical Sentinel; September/October 2000
Castro's
"Doctor Diplomacy"
Virgilio
Beato-Núñez, MD, Enrique Cantón, MD, Gladys Cárdenas, DO, José
Carro, MD, et al
Introduction
Cuba's
health services have come under attention recently.(1,2) Since 1963,
Fidel Castro has been exporting health care personnel including
physicians to countries in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. It is
estimated that approximately 5 percent of the Cuban physicians working
for Castro's MINSAP (Cuban Public Health Service) are involved in
service abroad.(3) The so-called "doctor diplomacy" may have
begun in the manner of an assistance program for guerrilla movements,
but it soon turned into big business for Havana. In this article, we
analyze briefly the current events that led to two physicians serving
in Castro's "doctor diplomacy" in Africa to desert in a
maneuver that turned dangerous for them and for innocent
bystanders.(4) Furthermore, we analyze the recent offer from Fidel
Castro to train low-income Americans in medical sciences in order to
remedy the health statistics of the United States in the context of
the "doctor diplomacy" --- one of Castro's ways to influence
public opinion abroad.
The
Breadth and Scope of "Doctor Diplomacy"
The
story of two Cuban physicians who were serving in Castro's elite
"doctor diplomacy" service in Zimbabwe became front page
material when they dangerously escaped from being kidnapped and
returned to Cuba under the "long arms of the revolution."(2)
The doctors who managed to escape, Drs. Leonel Cordova and Mirta Peña,
were two of the thousands of physicians and health care personnel who
are currently stationed in carefully crafted, thoroughly supervised
and managed units in many countries of the so-called Third World. The
income to Castro's purse from this "doctor diplomacy" in
Zimbabwe alone is estimated at $1.2 million (U.S.) per month.(4) A
very small fraction of this goes to pay the physicians themselves and
their families in the island.
Contrasting
with the saga of the doctors serving in Zimbabwe, two weeks ago,
Castro offered free medical instruction to recruit and register
Americans to join his "doctor diplomacy."(5) Castro's offer
was made to "low income Americans" who were invited to study
medicine in Cuba for free and then return to the United States to
provide treatment for the poor and underserved in what may turn into
the latest twist of the "doctor diplomacy" schemes. These
events seem to be temporally intertwined making it possible to look at
them chronologically. Let us retrace them together from the various
press releases that have appeared later. On May 26, the first signs of
defection of Drs. Cordova and Peña were noted in Havana. During the
weekend of June 3-4, Castro offered free medical training for low
income Americans to a congressional delegation of African-American
lawmakers that were touring Cuba. At that time, the communist leader
was already attempting to divert the defection by kidnapping the Cuban
doctors, ordering them to return to Havana via Paris.4 Later, when the
logistics in Zimbabwe and South Africa became known through a note
written by the defecting doctors and the press coverage, perhaps
Castro attempted to divert negative public opinion on his "doctor
diplomacy" by offering free medical training to Americans.
Castro
made the free training offer without consulting the proper authorities
in his own MINSAP. He just commented to the press on this "offer
that could not be refused" after Democrat Rep. Bennie Thompson
told him that his Mississippi Delta congressional district has an
infant mortality rate much higher than that of Cuba. According to the
Associated Press, Castro stated: "It would be hard for your
government to oppose such a program. It would be a trial for them.
Morally, how could they refuse?"(5)
We
feel compelled to reject the offer made by FIdel Castro. His is an
offer of malicious distraction, and a propagandistic attempt to
improve on the perception of the health standards and achievement
claims of his Revolution.(6) Castro has used these claims to justify
all aspects of his 41 year rule by a single party and a single
individual --- himself.
Our
conclusion is based on facts that can be described and analyzed. The
first consideration in assessing the offer by Fidel Castro for free
medical training is that medicine is in reality a social science that
uses the methods of the natural sciences to attain four goals: to
promote health, to restore health, to prevent disease, and to
rehabilitate the patient.(7) The practice of medicine is therefore
carried out in a social order that cannot be improvised, invented or
assumed to be totally controlled or controllable --- unless, of
course, one practices medicine in a totalitarian society. While it is
no secret that Castro's Cuba is a totalitarian society ruled by a
tyrannical leader for the past 41 years, the people of the United
States and of Mississippi in particular must not be intimidated into
accepting an "offer that could not be refused." Castro's
offer can and must be refused on further grounds. While Castro pointed
out that Cuba has an infant mortality rate of 7.3 deaths per 1000 live
births,* he did not disclose that the mortality of children in Cuba in
the age group from 1 to 4 years is 11.8. This latter figure is 34
percent higher than the equivalent health statistic for the United
States, despite the fact that Cuba has the most comprehensively
organized health service in the Americas. These official data from the
Pan American Health Organization (8) and our analysis suggest that
Castro has organized the MINSAP services with one goal in mind: to
lower the infant mortality rate without effective consideration to
other important health parameters.
The
importance of infant mortality is that it correlates with the overall
health, education, nutrition, standard of living and well-being of the
population. In Cuba's case, this is not true. Cuban health services
are organized and structured so that the resources, support, and
services are directed to reach the facilities that must maintain a
lower infant mortality (death from the time of birth to 12.0 months).
Therefore, in Castro's Cuba, life support may be artificially
instituted and continued on an individual infant or a community to
achieve a numerical goal in the infant mortality of a particular
health sector or region. This is done without consideration to other
health services that are rationed, denied, simply ignored, or blamed
on the CIA, obscure reasons or the improperly called American embargo.
While these excuses are made part of the propaganda, fundamental
health issues such as the provision of the elements for public hygiene
are not prioritized. Instead, priorities are given to the desired
goals of the MINSAP, a lower infant mortality with bonuses and favors
for those physicians and units that reach their goals. Therefore,
infant mortality data in Cuba since the 1970s reflect the organization
of the health services and the compliance of the health care personnel
in terms of the promulgated and designated goals promulgated by the
totalitarian State. Infant mortality in Cuba cannot be a measure of
the well-being and the standard of living of the population under
these circumstances.
The
issues on infant mortality must be developed further. The following
brief analysis will demonstrate the lack of seriousness in Castro's
infant mortality propaganda. Consider, for example, a health parameter
linked to infant mortality, maternal mortality. The maternal mortality
of Cuba in the last three years has been 26 to 33 deaths per 100,000
live births. This health statistic is not low despite the fact that
Cuba has the lowest birth rate in Latin America (12.5 births per 1000
population). Cuba's maternal mortality figure is in fact 4 to 5
times greater than the equivalent parameter for the United States
(8.4). Furthermore, Castro's comments to the African-American
lawmakers alluded to the health status of Mississippi, a State with an
infant mortality of 10.2 but a maternal mortality of 9.3.(9) It is
well recognized that mortality statistics do not depend solely on
medical care. Issues such as nutrition, education and communication
are considered important in achieving truly significant health
statistics. Therefore, unless Castro is planning to take over the
economy, the schools, the agriculture, and the communications of
Mississippi, how can he offer to lower this important health statistic
through his "doctor diplomacy?"
Physicians
who take their undergraduate training in a foreign country outside the
regulations of the American Association of Medical Colleges are
required to apply to the Educational Commission for Foreign Medical
Graduates (ECFMG). This is a regulation that applies to all
individuals, foreign born or nationals, who have completed a course
equivalent to that of an American medical school. The ECFMG has
supervised and controlled the influx of foreign medical graduates (FMG)
since its inception in the late 1950s. At this point in time, FMG's
sit for the same exams offered to American medical students and
graduates but the passing scores are not identical for each of these
groups. The passing score of FMG's is set, among several
considerations, on the number of physicians that may be desired in the
U.S. for immigration purposes. Where will the graduates of this new
posture of Castro's "doctor diplomacy" fit in any of these
regulatory measures? It is true that Cuban FMG's have in general
passed the required examinations in about 25 percent of the cases in
their first attempt.(10) But even if the graduates from Castro's
"doctor diplomacy" do go through the arduous passages
reserved for FMG's, how are the imprints of communist social
indoctrination going to fit into the training programs offered in the
U.S.? Or how are the working habits, values, and merits for promotion
free of political alignment or ideology going to adapt to American
institutions? Some have argued that medicine under Castro in Cuba has
been inappropriately contaminated with militarism, politics, specific
guidelines and schemes for the management and treatment of all
commonly seen illnesses, and directives on what can and cannot be
written into a death certificate.
Finally,
medical education is known to be easily adapted to fit one or another
system of indoctrination using biological or social principles.(11)
Therefore, during the so-called free medical education offered by
Castro, one could easily expect that students will be subjected to the
systematic indoctrination that goes on in Cuban medical education
under Castro. Cuban medical indoctrination has been applied to Cubans
and Latin Americans enrolled in medical schools in the island since
the early 1960s.(12)
The
indoctrination begins with the premise that the physician owes to
society and the Castro regime their medical education. It continues in
terms that the physician must become a communist and he or she must
pledge to improve his or her skills as a communist in parallel to his
or her skills as a physician. Finally, the graduate swears to be like
Che Guevara.(12) Although this last goal of Castro's medical education
may provide a new fashion to European designers, the fact remains that
violent revolution, destruction, and death were all part and parcel of
the preachings and deeds of the communist martyr of Cochabamba.
While
Castro told the black lawmakers that he supports their efforts to
issue him credits despite the dismal status of his bankrupt economy;
the bearded, legendary communist leader failed to discuss with the
African-American lawmakers the current issues dealing with physicians
in the island. Castro did not address anything regarding the situation
of Dr. Oscar Elias Biscet, prisoner of conscience. Castro never
mentioned his handling of the Colegio Médico Independiente during the
destruction of Concilio Cubano in 1996.(13)
Moreover,
since 1999, Cuban physicians have not been able to leave Cuba with
proper documentation and permits according to the MINSAP regulation
Number 54.14 According to this regulation, medical doctors and
dentists must serve 3 to 5 years in designated areas in the island of
Cuba before they are considered for a permission to leave the island.
In this manner, Cuban physicians are blatantly discriminated and made
to suffer higher penalties than the rest of the professionals.
Castro
also failed to recall the stories of Dr. Desy Rivero(15) and Omar del
Pozo Marrero,(16) both physicians who were unjustly jailed and later
forcefully exiled from Cuba for reasons that perhaps Castro alone
would have been able to explain to the press and the American
lawmakers. And, it goes without saying that Castro failed to disclose
to the lawmakers and the press those sensitive negotiations that he
was carrying out with Zimbabwe's dictator-president, Robert Mugabe.
The nature of those negotiations on the defection and fate of the
Cuban physicians may have enlightened the lawmakers from their
financial, human rights, and political perspectives.
Conclusions
and Summary
In
summary, Castro's "doctor diplomacy" involves utilizing
Cuban physicians to serve in areas where the Cuban regime has entered
into contractual relationships with the expressed intention of
providing health care aid and establishing or nourishing diplomatic
relations with the host community. The physicians serving in these
units are essentially under surveillance all the time and any change
in their plans not consistent with the orders given from Havana
invariably lead to the involvement of police or paramilitary security
forces. In the recent desertion of Dr. Cordova and Dr. Peña from
southern Africa, the news media got involved in the saga about one
week after its onset. This led to massive media attention and the
eventual agreement between Castro and Mugabe to "let the doctors
go." The terms or consequences have not been disclosed.
Financially, "doctor diplomacy" is an outstanding source of
income for Castro's economy since his MINSAP pays doctors and other
personnel only a small fraction of the millions of dollars that are
received by Cuba. Regarding the alluded health statistics for
Mississippi, the offer of Castro to train for free low-income
Americans must be refused because his "claims on health
achievements" are based on propaganda that are not indicative of
health, well-being, or adequate standards of living in Cuba. We must
reject the fact that these young American students will undergo an
aggressive brainwashing and indoctrinating process through which they
will become Castro's pawns. They will inevitably take to Castro the
much desired influx of dollars that he needs to remain in power.
Finally, the specific claim of Castro that he can lower the infant
mortality rate in Mississippi implies a future control by Castro of
health care, finances, education, nutrition, and communications in
that State. Obviously, such claims must be denounced as delusional and
their malicious implications rejected.
Castro's
offer of free medical training to serve the poor and underserved can
and must be refused. First and foremost, it must be refused because
there is no need to turn Mississippi or any State or region of the
United States into another Cuba. Second, there is no need for hundreds
of young Americans to turn into Che Guevaras, who will then come into
the United States to preach and practice death, hate, and oppression
of individual and collective rights and liberties. Furthermore, there
is no need to adopt the propaganda in "Castro's revolution health
achievements" without recognizing their hidden liabilities:
widespread alcoholism, sociopathic behavior, low birth weights,
endemic giardiasis, growing incidence of hepatitis E infection,
widespread venereal diseases, very high abortion rates, high maternal
mortality, double to triple the deaths from unintentional injuries and
accidents. Finally, there is no need to guide the wholesome medical
vocations of young people in the United States from any race, creed,
nationality or income bracket to become physicians in Cuba. Castro's
is a society that will likely turn them into revolutionaries looking
for some "Mission Impossible" scheme in order to establish
an elusive, egalitarian, socialist worker's paradise that has never
existed. Instead, it has forged chains on the people and a Hell on
Earth wherever it has been established.
Footnote
*
This figure is highly open to question and does not agree with U.S.
government figures as published elsewhere. For example, I suspect
"live" is subject to Fidel Castro's interpretation. See Tom
Carter, "Cuba was 'advanced' before Castro took over, report
says." The Washington Times, March 29, 1998, p. 23. It cited an
infant mortality figure of 12 per 1000 live births, according to Cuban
government figures.
References
1.
Cuba sells snake oil to visiting congressmen. Miami Herald, June 6,
2000, p. 6B.
2. Gaither C, Marques-García S. Castro maneuvers to bar doctors'
defection to U.S. Miami Herald, June 11, 2000.
3. Miranda OC. Recursos humanos en salud de Cuba. Educ. Med. Salud.
1986;20(3):375-381.
4. Gaither C. Diserción en Zimbabwe empaña la "diplomacia médica"
de Castro. El Nuevo Herald, June, 12, 2000.
5. Shepard P. Castro to offer medical training. Associated Press, June
4, 2000.
6. Breo D. In socialist Cuba, primary care now reaches rural areas.
American Medical News, July 25, 1977, pp. 11-13.
7. Martí-Ibañez F. To be a doctor. Miami Medicine, November 1987,
pp. 27-29.
8. Health situation in the Americas. Pan American Health Organization.
Basic Health Indicators 1999. PAHO/99.01, Washington, DC.
9. Personal communication with Dr. Thompson, Head of the Mississippi
Health Department contacted by telephone.
10. Seywell RM, Studnick J, Bean JA, Ludke R. A performance
comparison: USMG-FMG house staff physicians. Amer. Journal Public
Health 1980;70(1):23-28.
11. Stetten D. The medical school curriculum: the indoctrination of
the medical student. Bull. New York Acad. Med. 1973;49(4):285-288.
12. Gordon AM. Medicine in Cuba. Lancet 1983, October 29; 2
(8357):1026.
13. Amnesty International. Cuba: government crackdown on dissent.
April 1996. AI Index: AMR 25/14/96.
14. El gobierno Cubano pone trabas a los viajes de médicos y
dentistas. El Nuevo Herald, September 13, 1999.|
15. Cuba: doctors imprisoned. Lancet 1998;351:439-440.
16. Gordon AM. Omar del Pozo Marrero, physician prisoner of
conscience. Lancet 1995. August 19; 346 (8973):509.
The
collaborators for this paper were: Virgilio Beato-Núñez, M.D.;
Enrique Cantón, M.D.; Gladys Cárdenas, D.O.; José Carro, M.D.;
Alberto Fibla, M.D.; Sergio González-Arias, M.D.; Antonio Gordon,
M.D., Ph.D.; Eduardo Martínez, M.D.; Manuel Peñalver, M.D.; Juan C.
Pérez-Espinosa, D.O.; E. Ricardo Puig, M.D.; Joel Silverman, D.O.
Finlay Medical Society, P.O. Box 523096, Miami, FL 33152, http://www.finlay-online.com.
Originally
published in the Medical Sentinel 2000;5(5):163-166. Copyright
©2000 Association of American Physicians and Surgeons.
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